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Between global flows & territorial control : the state, tourism development, and the politics of reterritorialization in the Middle East; Between global flows and territorial control

Hazbun, Waleed (Waleed Albert), 1968-
Fonte: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Publicador: Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Tipo: Tese de Doutorado Formato: 441 p.; 55450543 bytes; 55450299 bytes; application/pdf; application/pdf
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This dissertation presents a new type of theory about the impact of increased transnational capital flows on state building processes. Most of the political science literature about globalization has been focused on debating the question of deterritorialization where the powers of territorial nation-states are viewed as being eroded by the increased transnational mobility of capital. This dissertation, in contrast, demonstrates how international tourism development-like many other aspects of globalization--can also produce "reterritorialization" characterized by the increased relevance of "place" for global economic activity. With increased globalization firms often seek to locate themselves in specific territories in order to capture what I call locational rents and external economies. In contrast to the dislocating effects of deterritorialization, reterritorialization can increase the political influence of state, societal, and transnational agents able to create localities that generate locational rents and external economies. The dissertation explores how states in the Middle East have promoted reterritorialization through tourism development in an attempt to enhance their control over capital and cultural flows as they promote economic liberalization and the incorporation of their economies into global markets. My fieldwork explored two national case studies with different configurations of territorial control. In Tunisia...

Democracy and city life

King, Loren A. (Loren Antony), 1968-
Fonte: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Publicador: Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Tipo: Tese de Doutorado Formato: 204 p.; 19465291 bytes; 19465049 bytes; application/pdf; application/pdf
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The deliberative turn in recent political theory ties legitimacy to public deliberation about reasons, offered for and against exercises of authority by informed and sincere citizens, who share a commitment to finding mutually acceptable terms of social cooperation. But even such reasonable citizens may disagree on important matters, and some citizens will only rarely, if ever, see their sincere reasoned judgements reflected in democratic outcomes. I argue that, to be widely perceived as legitimate in plural settings, fair deliberative procedures must not only be inclusive and self-evidently grounded in a commitment to reasonableness and mutual respect; they must further ensure that dissenting parties have a reasonable expectation of eventually transforming features of the public sphere to better accommodate their distinctive values and interests. The result is a fair deliberative pluralism that reflects the cacophonous and variegated character of the public sphere in modern democracies. But I caution that this ideal requires conditions that can sustain spatial patterns of wealth and control over land uses that undermine the interests of certain spatially fixed groups. I draw on the experiences of U.S. cities to illustrate this tension. These cities feature profound and enduring inequalities of wealth and political influence...

Nodes without roads : pockets of success, networks of failure in Chinese industrial technology development

Gilboy, George
Fonte: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Publicador: Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Tipo: Tese de Doutorado Formato: 2 v. (502 leaves); 41320091 bytes; 41319844 bytes; application/pdf; application/pdf
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This thesis examines technological innovation capabilities in the Chinese machine tool, automobile, telecommunications equipment, and information technology sectors in the era of reform ( 1979-2002). Contrary to other studies, the thesis reveals that the foundations for Chinese industrial learning and innovation are weak. I evaluate several models for explaining why this is true, including market-, developmental state-, and regional-based explanations. Finding these unsatisfactory, I propose an alternative model: particularist political structure and industrial strategic culture undermine the ability of Chinese firms to associate, learn, and innovate. Particularism and strategic culture interact to undermine reciprocity and trust, weakening the ability of Chinese industrial firms to form effective horizontal association. As observed in economies from the developed (e.g. United States) to the developing (e.g. Taiwan), horizontal association between manufacturers as well as customers, suppliers, financers, research institutes, and universities is critical to industrial learning and technology development. The weakness of associational means for reducing risk and promoting information and resource flows inhibits the ability of Chinese firms to effectively indigenize...

Crossed swords : divided militaries and politics in East Asia; Divided militaries and politics in East Asia

Heginbotham, Eric
Fonte: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Publicador: Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Tipo: Tese de Doutorado Formato: 550 p.; 31526225 bytes; 31604620 bytes; application/pdf; application/pdf
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(cont.) Domestic politics, then, frequently have a decisive impact on strategic planning and produces policies that the consideration of external threats alone would not suggest.; This dissertation proposes that militaries in developing states are usually deeply divided internally on domestic social, economic, and political issues. Contrary to the way the military is often portrayed, there is no single "military mind." Neither, however, are internal military divisions primarily idiosyncratic. Differences in composition and sociology endow different military services and branches with distinct domestic preferences. High-tech military organizations are more likely to support liberal socio-economic positions, while troop-oriented ones often embrace integral nationalism--a statist vision of development aimed at unifying the state by reducing economic and social differences. These propositions are tested against the history of armies and navies in Thailand, China, and Indonesia since 1945, as well as additional evidence from Latin American, European, and other Asian states. The case studies examine coups, counter-coups, military-sponsored "mass" movements, and legislative battles involving uniformed officers. The historical evidence confirms the theory. Military services often take opposite sides in domestic disputes...

The privatization age? : which services are privatized and why

Zehavi, Amos J., 1968-
Fonte: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Publicador: Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Tipo: Tese de Doutorado Formato: 417 p.; 22908155 bytes; 22966568 bytes; application/pdf; application/pdf
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This dissertation examines the determinants of the extent of privatization of service delivery. Despite the fact that right-wing governments extolling neo-liberal policies have placed privatization at the top of the policy agenda in recent years, there are some services that have experienced very little privatization, if at all. The aim of this dissertation is to explain the considerable variation in privatization experiences across service programs in different policy domains, political systems and over time. The research is based on a qualitative analysis of privatization of service delivery, while funding remains public, in three policy domains - education K-12, mental health care, and incarceration - across three different political systems - Massachusetts, Texas and England. The comparison of the nine case studies revealed significant differences in the extent of privatization across the three policy domains. Privatization rates in education were considerably lower than in the two other domains, while privatization rates in mental healthcare were higher. Despite considerable differences in institutional structure and the balance of right-left power, the differences in privatization rates across political systems did not follow any clear pattern. The explanation for the difference across policy domains primarily focus on institutional factors. Programs in policy domains with many stakeholders are less likely to be privatized than programs that are smaller by comparison. Also...

Ethnic leftists, populist ethnics : the new politics of identity; Elections and the new politics of identity in Latin America and beyond

Gisselquist, Rachel M
Fonte: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Publicador: Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Tipo: Tese de Doutorado Formato: 2 v. (434 leaves)
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Group identifications - in particular, those based on ethnicity and class - are central to political mobilization during elections. This dissertation asks: when and why does the salience of ethnic and class categories vary across elections in emerging democracies? It argues that which categories are politicized has less to do with which categories are most salient to voters and more to do with which are most useful to politicians. The strategies of politicians, however, are contrained in a particular ways, by opportunity, which is provided by party system crises, and by the political space, which is given by the structure of existing social identity categories, particularly their sizes and degrees of overlap with traditionally-politicized categories. Given the institutional rules, size and overlap affect which identity groups have the numbers to win and which describe similar constituencies that could be switched between for political expediency. The project nests the theory within an explanatory framework describing four key factors that drive variation in identification: voter preferences, political institutions, party institutions, and elite manipulation. The dissertation presents data from three sources: a fieldwork-based study of Bolivian party politics...

The pobladores and local democracy in Chile : the case of El Bosque and Peñalolén

Rivera-Ottenberger, Anny Ximena, 1955-
Fonte: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Publicador: Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Tipo: Tese de Doutorado Formato: 444 p.; 23249902 bytes; 23311779 bytes; application/pdf; application/pdf
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(cont.) models of local governance, questioning blanket statements about the virtues of political decentralization. The managerial elitist" model favors individual participation and technical/centralized decision-making that precludes public deliberation. It hardly engages the pobladores' organizations in the local polity and policymaking, fostering organizational fragmentation, selective deactivation and cientism. The "participatory-deliberative" style combines innovative adaptation of public policies to "fit" the local demand, extensive use of networks and public forums. It generates pre-political spaces that pave the way for the pobladores' organizations to scale-up decisionmaking in the local government or along policy networks at higher levels.; In the 1990's, two state reforms in Chile placed the grassroots organizations of the pobladores--the once powerful urban squatters' movement--in a unique position to use their organizational experience in self-govenment and small-scale service delivery. Decentralization endowed the municipalities with enhanced resources and authority and new decentralized social policies demanded community participation. This favorable context was offset by institutional constraints on the national political system and by the mayor-centric and managerial design of the new municipality...

Shooting up : the impact of illicit economics on military conflict; Impact of illicit economics on military conflict

Felbab-Brown, Vanda
Fonte: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Publicador: Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Tipo: Tese de Doutorado Formato: 2 v. (642 p.)
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The study explores the nexus between illicit economies and military conflicts. It investigates when and how access by belligerents to the production and trafficking of illicit substances affects the strength of belligerents and governments. Although narcotics trafficking is often treated as sui generis, the study situates the drug trade within the larger class of markets for illicit products and services. The study presents a general theory of the relationship between illicit markets and military conflict - the political capital of illicit economies -- and contrasts it with conventional wisdom on connections between drug trafficking and military conflict. The political capital of illicit economies argues that belligerents derive much more than simply large financial profits from their sponsorship of illicit economies. They also obtain freedom of action and, crucially, legitimacy and support from the local population, called political capital. If belligerents choose to become negatively involved in the illicit economy (attempt to destroy it), they not only fail to increase their military capabilities, but also suffer costs in terms of political capital. The extent and scope of belligerents' gains/ losses from their involvement in the illicit economy depend on four factors:; (cont.) the state of the overall economy; the character of the illicit economy; the presence of traffickers; and the government response to the illicit economy. These factors reflect both structural conditions outside of the immediate control of the belligerents and the government and strategic policy choices available to either the belligerents or the government. Contrary to the conventional wisdom about narcotics and military conflict...

The causes of religious wars : holy nations, sacred spaces, and religious revolutions

Gregg, Heather Selma, 1971-
Fonte: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Publicador: Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Tipo: Tese de Doutorado Formato: 529 p.; 1182200 bytes; 1182627 bytes; application/pdf; application/pdf
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In the wake of September 11th, policy analysts, journalists, and academics have tried to make sense of the rise of militant Islam, particularly its role as a motivating and legitimating force for violence against the US. The unwritten assumption is that there is something about Islam that makes it bloodier and more violence-prone than other religions. This dissertation seeks to investigate this assertion by considering incidents of Islamically motivated terrorism, violence, and war, and comparing them to examples of Christian, Jewish, Buddhist and Hindu bellicosity. In doing so, it aims to evaluate if religious violence is primarily the product of beliefs, doctrine and scripture, or if religious violence is the result of other factors such as cultural, political, social and economic circumstances. This dissertation focuses on religious wars--wars, terrorism, and violent conflicts that have saliently religious goals, specifically battles to defend holy nations, sacred spaces and revolutions aimed at creating religious governments-and tests three variables for their ability to explain the conditions under which religious wars arise: threat perception, the intertwining of political and religious authority, and the amount of resources available to a given religious group.; (cont.) It argues that religious violence is the result of specific interpretations of a religion's beliefs and scriptures...

Do parties still matter? : the politics of gubernatorial nominations; Politics of gubernatorial nominations

Cobb, Rachael V
Fonte: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Publicador: Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Tipo: Tese de Doutorado Formato: 192 p.; 11143720 bytes; 11143473 bytes; application/pdf; application/pdf
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Who controls the nomination in gubernatorial elections? This dissertation seeks to answer this simple question. Parties have classically been the organizations held responsible for throwing their collective effort behind a candidate and controlling the nominations. Yet, in recent years, scholars have noted a steady weakening of American political parties through a succession of major alterations in the political landscape: the loss of patronage-based organizations traditionally used to uphold party organizations; competition from interest groups; and the ascendancy of media-based campaigns and political consultants which buoy candidates' personal organizations. Not only that, recent work suggests that national party organizations have displaced their state-level counterparts. The combined result of these strains on the party system, scholars conclude, is the rise of a candidate-centered politics and of an electoral politics that can no longer count parties as critical factors in the political system. My dissertation tests whether parties have been dealt out of the nominations process in gubernatorial primary elections in six states: Colorado, Illinois, Ohio, Massachusetts, New Mexico, and Texas. My principal evidence is elite public endorsements of candidates. I find that the tempo...

People pressure : strategic engineered migration as an instrument of statecraft and the rise of the human rights regime

Greenhill, Kelly M
Fonte: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Publicador: Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Tipo: Tese de Doutorado Formato: 378 p.; 21748015 bytes; 21747812 bytes; application/pdf; application/pdf
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Using a combination of historical case studies and insights from formal modeling, this study proposes and tests a new theory to explain one piece of a poorly understood phenomenon, namely the strategic use of population flows as political and military weapons. Specifically, after first demonstrating the existence and relative pervasiveness of this phenomenon, this study tackles the question of how-and under what conditions-outflows may be exploited to facilitate a kind of unconventional coercion, which I have termed politicaljujitsu. Politicaljujitsu may be thought of as a "coercion by punishment" strategy, whereby weak, often undemocratic, actors turn the strengths and virtues of their more powerful adversaries on their heads, in such a way as to make possible coercion of the strong by the relatively weak. The theory posits that perpetrators seek to place their targets' values and/or normative commitments in direct conflict with their (usually) competing and heterogeneous political imperatives, in the expectation that targets will choose to concede to perpetrators' demands rather than suffer the anticipated political costs of resistance. Perpetrators do so, in part, by imposing "hypocrisy costs," i.e., those symbolic political costs that arise when there exists a real (or perceived) disparity between a professed commitment to liberal values and/or international norms...

Debating the lessons of history : the politics of the Nazi past in Germany and Austria

Art, David C., 1972-
Fonte: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Publicador: Massachusetts Institute of Technology
Tipo: Tese de Doutorado Formato: 2 v. (314 leaves); 17933757 bytes; 17975737 bytes; application/pdf; application/pdf
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This dissertation argues that public deliberation is a transformative force in democratic politics. I build a framework for analyzing public debates in advanced industrial societies, and then use it to illuminate the political stakes of "coming to terms with the past" in societies with recent histories of mass violations of human rights. My dissertation recasts dealing with the past as a punctuated series of elite debates over the "lessons of history." These lessons become important elements of political culture and important variables in partisan competition. My cases are Germany and Austria, and the dissertation addresses an important empirical puzzle: despite similar electoral institutions, partisan political landscapes, and pressures from immigration, right-wing populist parties have experienced very different fates over the last two decades in the two states. Austria has produced one of Europe's most successful right-wing populist parties (the Austrian Freedom Party, FPO), but no such party has come close to establishing itself in Germany. What explains the divergent strength of the far right in the two surviving successor states of the Third Reich? I argue against existing structural explanations, and instead contend that the divergence between Germany and Austria stems from differences in elite ideas about the Nazi past. In Germany...

The Three Achilles' Heels of Brazilian Political Science

Marenco,André
Fonte: Associação Brasileira de Ciência Política Publicador: Associação Brasileira de Ciência Política
Tipo: Artigo de Revista Científica Formato: text/html
Publicado em 01/12/2014 Português
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This article intends to analyze the institutionalization of political science in Brazil through the expansion of the graduate system and evaluation process, which promoted research and scientific evaluations of institutions with Master`s and doctoral degree programs by an assessment model based on peer reviews and the rating of scientific production. The focus here is on Political Science in comparison with its neighboring disciplines, Sociology and Anthropology. We attempt to consider the timing of the process of academic institutionalization of Political Science, as well as its consequences for the consolidation of the field nowadays.

Jamming the political: beyond counter-hegemonic practices

Cammaerts, Bart
Fonte: London School of Economics and Political Science Research Publicador: London School of Economics and Political Science Research
Tipo: Article; PeerReviewed Formato: application/pdf
Publicado em /03/2007 Português
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While the notion of cultural jamming has been around for several years little or no attention has gone to the appropriation of cultural jamming techniques by political actors in their political communication practices. These ‘political‘ jams are not directed at the corporate world as such, like the cultural jam, but towards society at large or governments, towards changing values or behaviours and even at times against minorities or common enemies. The actors involved are not only radical or grassroots activists, but also professional civil society organisations, political parties and even at times government sponsored agencies. This already indicates that the political jam cannot be coined as a counter-hegemonic practice per se, as is the case with cultural jamming. Reactionary groups and mainstream political parties, as well as corporate actors are increasingly adopting these techniques. This article will address the historical cultural legacy on which cultural and political jamming builds. It will also critically assess the role of the Internet as a distributive means for political jams and its consequences for the notion of the public sphere.

Left, right and beyond: the pragmatics of political mapping

White, Jonathan
Fonte: The London School of Economics and Political Science Publicador: The London School of Economics and Political Science
Tipo: Monograph; NonPeerReviewed Formato: application/pdf
Publicado em /06/2010 Português
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This paper examines the political categories of ‘Left’ and ‘Right’, in particular as they are evoked and instrumentalised by political actors in the democratic process. Drawing on some of the insights of positioning theory, it shows how ‘Left’ and ‘Right’ are discursive resources deployed, contested and resisted in political exchange. The paper looks in depth at some of the political uses to which Left-Right talk may be put, discussing in particular acts of partisan profiling, of legitimisation and subversion, and the evocation or rejection of political continuity. The paper argues that while these usages can be seen as strategic moves pursued for political advantage, they have a larger significance insofar as they indicate one of the ways the democratically important imagery of Left and Right may remain active in European politics.

Beyond ‘the soldier and the state’ - the theoretical framework of elite civil-military relations

Rahbek-Clemmensen, Jon
Fonte: London School of Economics and Political Science Thesis Publicador: London School of Economics and Political Science Thesis
Tipo: Thesis; NonPeerReviewed Formato: application/pdf
Publicado em /08/2013 Português
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Though the civil-military relations field has seen a lot of theoretical work in recent years, the field still lacks consistent overarching theories. This dissertation argues that the field requires a new and better theoretical framework. Scholars do not agree about how to define key concepts or how these concepts affect one another. They therefore have a tendency to talk past one another when debating and developing theories of civil-military relations. This dissertation develops a new and more sophisticated theoretical framework for elite civil-military relations. The field’s current theoretical framework was developed by Samuel Huntington in The Soldier and the State. This dissertation uses his framework as a starting point for a larger conceptual analysis, where political and military sociology, international relations, political theory, and military science are used to define the key concepts of civil-military relations. There are two heterogeneous types of civil-military relations that should be studied separately: societal civil-military relations and elite civil-military relations. Political science approaches to civil-military relations, such as this dissertation, typically focus on the latter type. Elite civil-military relations consist of two separate fields of study: civilian control and military effectiveness. Elite civil-military relations function as a system that essentially depends on civilian overall preferences...

Realism and liberalism in the political thought of Bernard Williams

Hall, Edward
Fonte: London School of Economics and Political Science Thesis Publicador: London School of Economics and Political Science Thesis
Tipo: Thesis; NonPeerReviewed Formato: application/pdf
Publicado em /09/2013 Português
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This thesis offers the first systematic critical examination of the political thought of Bernard Williams; explains the relation between his political realism and his critical assessment of much modern moral philosophy, and discusses how his work illuminates the debates about the nature and purpose of political theory. I defend Williams’s fundamental claim that the central questions of political morality arise within politics and argue accordingly that political theory should not, contrary to the position implicit in much contemporary political theory, in the first instance be seen as an exercise in applying a set of external moral principles to politics. I argue that although Williams’s critique of contemporary political theory is mistaken in its claim that contemporary political theorists conventionally endorse a monolithic form of moralism, he convincingly shows that political theory should begin with an understanding of the distinctive character of politics, as this enables us to understand the goods that are internal to it. In this regard, Williams’s realism is best read as an attempt to make ethical sense of politics, and as an attempt to explain how we can continue to affirm a kind of liberalism, without recourse to the moralised presuppositions that he insists we must jettison. I go on to argue that by developing the insights of Williams’s late work we can articulate a defence of liberalism that has marked advantages over the ‘high liberalism’ that most contemporary liberal theorists defend. This latter argument illustrates the distinctiveness of Williams’s contribution to contemporary debates about realism in political theory as most of the realist thinkers with whom he is grouped endorse a form of realism in order to impugn liberalism.

Political dynasties and elections

Van Coppenolle, Brenda
Fonte: London School of Economics and Political Science Thesis Publicador: London School of Economics and Political Science Thesis
Tipo: Thesis; NonPeerReviewed Formato: application/pdf
Publicado em /01/2014 Português
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This dissertation studies political dynasties in democratic countries. Dynasties are common in all professions. However, for the profession of politics, in which succession depends no longer on dynastic succession but on running successful electoral campaigns, understanding how and why political power can be bequeathed is particularly important. Factors such as name recognition (the voter demand side) and political networks (the elite supply side) are potential explanations of the continued presence of dynasties in parliaments. This dissertation studies both the voter demand side and the elite supply side of the phenomenon. I first discuss the related literature on political dynasties, political selection, political quality, and the personal vote. Voting for dynasties can be rational, and the presence of dynastic legislators perfectly legitimate. Political dynasties may thrive in electoral systems that encourage personal voting, such as is used in Belgium. In a first paper, I show that in the Belgian 2010 General Election voters preferred dynastic candidates. Institutional changes may change such (dynastic) elite equilibria. In a second paper, we exploit the constituency-level variation in the franchise extension associated with the Second and Third Reform Acts in Britain. However...

Essays on political dynasties: evidence from empirical investigations

Rahman, Ashikur
Fonte: London School of Economics and Political Science Thesis Publicador: London School of Economics and Political Science Thesis
Tipo: Thesis; NonPeerReviewed Formato: application/pdf
Publicado em /04/2013 Português
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This thesis consists of four papers, each of which helps to understand certain dynamics surrounding political dynasties. The first paper focuses on the role of ‘dynastic identity’ in influencing the behaviour of legislators from the political class of Bangladesh. In particular, it analyses whether dynastic legislators behave differently in comparison to non-dynastic legislators by examining their parliamentary attendance level and the likelihood of them having a criminal profile. The findings from the analysis suggest that ‘dynastic identity’ may influence a legislator’s behaviour. The second paper investigates if there is a systematic relationship between dynasty-politics and corruption in a cross-country empirical analysis. In doing so, the paper produces multiple dynasty indices that try to capture the variation in dynasty- politics across countries. The key findings from this scrutiny are indicative that countries with greater prevalence of dynasty-politics are associated with higher levels of corruption. In the third paper, I study the role of political assassination in facilitating the rise of political dynasties in Bangladesh. More specifically, I construct a data set of political leaders from Bangladesh who faced at least one assassination attempt to exploit the randomness in the success or failure of assassination attempts to identify assassination’s effect on the probability that a leader will start a political dynasty. The results point out that successful assassination increases the likelihood that a political leader will have a posterior relative in office. Lastly...

Essays in political economy and voting behaviour

De Neve, Jan-Emmanuel C. J. M.
Fonte: London School of Economics and Political Science Thesis Publicador: London School of Economics and Political Science Thesis
Tipo: Thesis; NonPeerReviewed Formato: application/pdf
Publicado em /06/2011 Português
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This thesis explores how political preferences are shaped by institutions, economic conditions, and personality. Each chapter is a distinct contribution and provides a different perspective on the formation of political preferences and, ultimately, voting behaviour. These different approaches relate to the fields of comparative political economy, behavioural economics, and political psychology. Methodologically, this thesis is empirically applied and the results of these separate enquiries into political preferences are grounded in statistical analysis. A first substantive chapter introduces a median voter data set that provides insight into the ideological position of the electoral centre in over 50 democracies. A second chapter uses this new data and studies cross-national voting behaviour in 18 Western democracies over 1960-2003. It is found that electoral behaviour is closely related to the salience of the following economic institutions: labour organization, skill specificity, and public sector employment. This research shows that political preferences are endogenous to economic institutions and implies the existence of institutional advantages to partisan politics. A third substantive chapter focuses on ideological change in the United States and tests the proposition that voters advance a more liberal agenda in prosperous times and shift towards being more conservative in dire economic times. A reference-dependent utility model relates income growth to political preferences by way of the demand for public goods and the optimal tax rate. This work thus links voting behaviour to economic business cycles and shows that ideological change is endogenous to income growth rates. Finally...