This dissertation considers three implications of collective self-government for just foreign policies in an imperfect world. Individuals are the appropriate moral unit of analysis, constrained to govern themselves justly, together with compatriots. First I derive limits to state autonomy that follow from states being mere aggregations of rights-bearing individuals: human rights constrain treatment of individuals, and government must include all citizens. States are governed well-enough that others should not interfere if all citizens have effective political powers without risking their dignity. These states are collectively self-determined. Second, the fact of citizenship constrains redistribution of wealth among countries. Shared wealth should presuppose shared governance, and if one wants to limit the latter, one should limit the former, to that needed for collective self- determination. Providing clear limits on aid, as well as interference, helps avoid abuse. While participation, representation and accountability do not guarantee good government, they are prerequisites; the primary international obligation is to develop well-ordered institutions. Third, I derive constraints on national autonomy that follow from the need to secure international cooperation. Reasonable disagreements about fairness are sometimes indistinguishable from rational-interest pursuit...
by Zale Anis.; Thesis (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Mechanical Engineering; and, (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1977.; MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ENGINEERING.; Includes bibliographical references.
American and European political scientists have claimed that subnational elections record lower voter turnout than national elections in most democracies. Contrary to this conventional wisdom, Japanese municipal elections often record considerably higher voter turnout than national elections, particularly in small towns and villages. Why is Japan different from most other democracies? Is Japan the only exception? What explains such exceptionally high local turnout in rural Japan? Under what conditions do lower-level elections produce higher voter turnout? By examining these questions, this dissertation aims to improve our understanding of incentives affecting electoral participation both at national and subnational levels. First, I show that Japan is not the only exception. There are some other important cases of higher voter turnout in lower-level elections, which I define as the "turnout twist" phenomenon. They can be found in Australia, Canada, Finland, France, India, Italy, Northern Ireland, Spain, and Switzerland. Second, I hypothesize that relative voter turnout in subnational vs. national elections is determined by the relative magnitudes of how much is at stake and how much votes count ("vote significance") in these elections. In lower-level elections...
This work contributes to the study of comparative political economy by examining the impact of financial deregulation on corporate governance in the two main continental European economies, France and Germany. It investigates the process of transformation of the systems of corporate governance of these two countries toward a greater shareholder value orientation. It analyses the divergent responses of large companies in these two countries to the same set of changes in the international economy. Despite similarities in terms of ownership concentration, inactive securities markets, financial opacity, and closed market for hostile takeovers, large firms reacted differently to the new external environment - with dramatically diverging consequences for employees. In France, the majority of large companies have substantially changed their business strategy through a focus on a single business activity. German firms, in contrast, have responded to the new environment with greater financial transparency. The evolution of corporate governance in the two countries does not entail convergence - but different patterns of change with substantial differentiation in some areas, less in others. The argument presented deals with the dynamics of economic adjustment. Why do changes in the structure of corporate governance move in different directions in France and Germany? The power of management...
Contrary to widely held assumptions in the ethnic conflict literature, ethnic rebellions do not have to be separatist. Indeed, roughly one third of the largest ethnic rebellions since World War II have been attempts to take over, rather than separate from, existing states. Incorporating theories of nationalism and collective action, this dissertation offers an explanation for why ethnic rebellions take on different goals. The theory posits that popular grievances against the state concerning the legitimate relationship between the ethnic group and the government are crucial for understanding the objectives rebel groups seek. These grievances are shaped by cultural and historic differences between the ethnic group and the ruling group, and affect the goals of rebel movements in part by constraining elites who would organize popular support for rebellion. The dissertation introduces a new dataset of 88 cases of large-scale ethnic rebellions since World War II. Using this dataset, the theory is tested against an alternative view that rebel group goals are determined primarily by opportunity. The analysis finds that opportunity explanations are not sufficient, and that a better explanation incorporates the ideas of group grievances the dissertation introduces. Specific mechanisms whereby cultural and historic differences affect group goals are illustrated through case studies of separatist and state capture ethnic rebellions in Ethiopia. The dissertation makes several unique contributions to both the academic literature and to policy debates surrounding ethnic civil wars.; (cont.) Offering the first of its kind dataset of ethnic rebellions categorized by goals...
This paper attempts to explain why the United States Coast Guard decided to undertake its most recent major capital asset replacement effort-the Deepwater Program-through the use of a systems approach. Several explanations are considered, but a series of interviews and a review of events during the 1996-2003 timeframe yield an explanation that points to bureaucratic politics and status dynamics as the most likely cause. In particular, the paper finds that the Coast Guard's low status (vis-à-vis other organizations within the Department of Transportation) combined with the Deepwater community's high status (vis-à-vis other communities within the Coast Guard) to produce a political environment that made the use of a systems approach almost inevitable. The paper closes by considering the policy ramifications of systems approaches used by relative weak organizations.; by Vikram Mansharamani.; Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2004.; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 67-71).; This electronic version was submitted by the student author. The certified thesis is available in the Institute Archives and Special Collections.
Coercion is at the center of politics, yet how it is organized has remained poorly understood. This dissertation analyzes how the Chilean military regime (1973-90) organized coercion, focusing especially on two major shifts during the period of most institutional flux, from 1973-78. Available explanations for the shifts fail to account for the magnitude of organizational changes. As an alternative, this dissertation provides a typology of coercion, based on measurements of how well principals monitor agents' operations and performance. Principals can monitor from within their own organization (internal monitoring), or from information sources outside their direct control (external monitoring). Measuring levels of internal and external monitoring, using various criteria for the breadth and depth of information, yields a matrix with types that are mutually exclusive and jointly exhaustive. The four basic types are blind, bureaucratic, transparent, and hide and seek coercion. There are tradeoffs to each type of coercion, which can prompt principals to shift from one to another. In Chile, measurements of internal and external monitoring before and after each of the two major shifts, alongside counterfactual analysis and tests of the competing available explanations...
This dissertation examines how the National Organization for Women (NOW) survived the vagaries of both the political environment and its intraorganizational problems and controversies over its thirty-five year history. It considers the role that patrons, the state, mobilizing structures, leaders, organizational structure, strategic flexibility, and collective identity played in NOW's creation and maintenance. Little support is found for the role of patrons or of the state in NOW's origination and sustenance. Mobilizing structures, in the form of social networks, however, proved crucial factors supporting NOW between 1966 and 1971, its founding period. NOW's organizational structure, particularly its (limited) professionalization and its federalization both assisted NOW in overcoming potentially crippling information gaps between members and leaders. However, federalization has not had an entirely benign effect. In addition to allowing a great deal of autonomy, NOW's federal structure also permitted the development of strong intraorganizational factions. Leaders positively influenced organizational stability by enhancing NOW's collective identity and by stewarding the group towards new strategies. However, NOW's strong identity acts as a constraint upon leaders' ability to change the organization's goals or tactical approach. NOW's longevity and institutionalization over time suggests a second set of issues which are examined in this study. How has NOW's aging affected the organization's attention to its founding principles?; (cont.) How is NOW different from interest group organizations who rely mainly on checks...
With the advent of economic globalization, the terms of debate over the political and social conditions necessary to foster development in the Global South have shifted. Examining technological development, one important aspect of economic development, in China, I explore the prospects for and conditions conducive to development under globalization. My main finding is that the developing world has significant opportunities for development through combining the institutions of global capital, defined here as the financial institutions of the advanced economies, with co-ethnic technologists returning from abroad. Global capital serves to ameliorate the inefficiencies of China's financial sector. The co-ethnic technologists establish hybrid firms that possess foreign finance and a strategic commitment to develop core technological activities in China, a strategic orientation commonly associated with domestic firms and not foreign ones. I call this developmental path the global hybrid model. Using two case studies from China's IT industry, I demonstrate that the hybrid firms outperform both other foreign-invested enterprises and domestic firms in technological upgrading.; (cont.) The domestic firms underperform the foreign-invested firms because the Chinese financial system severely misallocates credit. Credit misallocation undermines incentives for technological development among domestic firms. The hybrids and the other foreign-invested firms rely on the institutions of global capital to allocate capital more efficiently...
One of the most unexpected changes of the 1990s is that firms in a number of emerging economies not previously known for their high-technology industries have leapfrogged to the forefront in new Information Technologies (IT). Surprisingly, from the perspective of comparative political economy theories, the IT industries of these countries use different business models and have carved out different positions in the global IT production networks. Of these emerging economies, the Taiwanese, Israeli, and Irish have successfully nurtured the growth of their IT industries. This dissertation sets out to establish that emerging economies have more than one option for developing their high technology industries. Moreover, it advances a theoretical framework for analyzing how different choices lead to long-term consequences and to the development of successful and radically different industrial systems. Hence, this dissertation strives to give politics - the art and profession of creating alternatives and the social struggles of choosing between, and acting on, them - the importance that it seems to have lost in the social sciences. The research focuses on the role of the state in shaping the structure of the IT industry in Israel, Ireland, and Taiwan.; (cont.) It argues that the developmental path of the IT industry is influenced by four critical decisions by the state. First...
"After the Great East Japan Earthquake: Political and Policy Change in Post-Fukushima Japan." Dominic Al-Badri and Gijs Berends (eds.). Nordic Institute of Asian Studies Press. June 2013. --- This book sets out to explore shifts in Japanese politics and policy-making following the Fukushima disaster, with perspectives offered by diplomats and policy experts at European embassies to Japan. The book addresses those policy areas most likely to be affected by the tragedy – politics, economics, energy, climate, agriculture and food safety – and describes how the sectors have been affected and what the implications are for the future. Useful reading for political scientists and policy makers, finds Hansley A. Juliano.
Political science has very few ‘laws’, perhaps explaining why the European discipline has so
stubbornly clung onto its most famous product – Maurice Duverger’s claim that countries
using ‘majoritarian’ voting systems will always have two party politics. This ‘Law’ has
underpinned numerous completely ineffective efforts by European politicians in PR systems
to create party consolidation by changing their voting laws. With European political scientists
meeting this week in Berlin, Patrick Dunleavy explains why such ‘reforms’ have had zero
success. Modern theory and better evidence now show that the alleged ‘Law’ has lost all
credibility in FPTP countries – and works only in the USA.
In the last Presidential election, Latino voters had one of the largest gaps in turnout compared with White Americans. In new research, Peter L. Francia and Susan Orr find that despite the labor movement being written off by many commentators as a spent political force, union membership plays a significant role in increasing Latino voter registration and turnout. They argue that unions should continue to target Latinos; if union membership continues to decline, then their political participation will decline as well.
Things are changing fast in the Arab Gulf States (AGS) or are they? Conventional wisdom tends to reinforce the prevailing view that these relatively small yet oil rich states have been experiencing rapid changes for the past three decades. Sociopolitical realities, however point towards continuity and more of the same tribal, conservative and mainly traditional way of life just as much as they support arguments for change.
The same fundamental drivers that are producing massive changes are simultaneously preserving sociopolitical continuity in the AGS. Relentless debate over societal change and continuity and old thinking versus new thinking are just one of several sociopolitical issues hotly debated in the AGS.
Other key contemporary sociopolitical issues publicly debated include: the political reform/political stagnation debate, the Kuwait/Dubai development model debate, the rentier state/post rentier state debate, the local/global debate, the exceptionalist/normalist paradigm debate, and needlessly the thorny national identity/ demographic imbalance debate.
These are among some the most divisive sociopolitical issues currently preoccupying governments and societies of the AGS. Much of the next phase of political development depends on how the AGS manage to successfully attend to these pending old and new challenges. How all these sociopolitical issues are handled in the next few years could determine the transition of the AGS not just towards good governance and stable and prosperous entities but their eventual emergence as the major center of power shaping Arab politics in the first half of the 21st century.
This paper examines some of the key issues and concepts that are at the forefront of the intellectual and academic debate in the AGS. The central questions posed have to do with how much of the new thinking is in essence old thinking.
This book provides a comprehensive account of young people’s political engagement in the US, Britain, Canada and Australia, challenging conventional wisdom on a number of fronts by showing young people’s political engagement to be much more complicated than many of the stereotypes suggest. Jacqueline Briggs thinks the book will spur further research into the area of youth political participation, quite rightly labelling young voters as ‘volatile’ rather than ‘non-voters’.
This thesis looks at how the long-standing battle between liberalism and populism in
Argentina manifested in the 1990s in the struggles between neoliberalism and
populism to hegemonise the discourse on civil society in national poverty reduction
policy. It traces how, through their struggles to remain or become hegemonic,
neoliberalism and the concrete form that populism took in the country – henceforth
Argentinean populism – each incorporated some of the other’s views, made the other
change, and transformed.
Neoliberalism and Argentinean populism are considered antagonistic political projects
that struggle to become hegemonic. Each project has normative viewpoints at its core,
but also includes contingent characteristics acquired in specific historical contexts.
For example, the package of market-liberalisation measures and the model of inward
economic development are contingent characteristics of neoliberalism and
Argentinean populism respectively.
Civil society is seen as both a discourse emerging from struggles to hegemonise its
meaning and the arena where struggles for political hegemony take place and, thus,
where hegemony and counter-hegemony are manufactured (Gramsci, 1998 :
12, 13, 15, 204). Defining a discourse on civil society is...
International meetings such as the G8 Summit have evolved from the
sequestered gatherings of the economic elite to full-scale political media events.
Using the 2005 Gleneagles G8 Summit as a case study, and focusing on one
specific ‘autonomous’ activist network – Dissent! – this thesis investigates how
the process of mediation is articulated in activists’ practices in preparing and
enacting acts of contention. Dominant approaches to such events in the field of
media and communications are often text-centred, focussing on the media’s
framing of protest, overlooking the actions against and interactions with the
media at such sites. This oversight is significant given that contemporary political
struggle occurs on the ground, as well as with and through the media.
The theoretical framework applies past media/movement scholarship to
emerging discourses on mediation which view media – its content, producers,
users, technologies, culture and rituals – as an ongoing and reflexive process,
actualised through analysing activists’ media-oriented practices (Couldry, 2004,
Silverstone, 2005). The methodological approach follows Burawoy’s (1998)
“extended method” drawing on a year of participant observation and 32 in-depth
Analysis is undertaken on an activist...
Through a historical account of the Pro-Canada/Action Canada Network (PCN/ACN), this dissertation examines coalition formation among social movements. It argues that the complex process of cross-sectoral coalition formation and thus the
potential for convergence of social movements can best be understood by combining elements of different analytical frameworks. This dissertation draws on elements of the two dominant paradigms for the study of social movements, resource mobilization theory and new social movement
theory. Specifically, it utilizes the formers' attention to the specifics of organization and structure and the latter's focus on the discursive formation of identities. Both are
then combined with the uniquely Canadian but theoretically underdeveloped concept of the popular sector and a neo-gramscian perspective on social formation and mobilization that draws on political economy and class-analytical traditions. With its formation in 1988 around opposition to the Canada - U.S. Free Trade Agreement, the PCN/ACN was an early example of a broader trend for trade and investment to become key arenas for social and political contention at the turn of the century. This dissertation challenges the assumptions of most analytical frameworks concerning the limits to coalition formation and argues that the nature of the unifying issue is an important determinant of the potential for the growth and deepening of social alliances.
After reviewing the historical conjuncture in which the PCN/ACN emerged...
This work measures whether MPs are held individually accountable for their actions through a novel
analysis of the 1997 and 2010 UK general elections. Previous research suggests that MPs’ behaviour
has little effect on their careers; however, developments in the media’s aggressive reporting style, the
rise of personality politics and decline in traditional voting patterns indicate that this is an opportune
time to examine the effect of political controversies (including scandals) on MPs’ careers. This
analysis focuses on three crucial stages that form a chain of accountability: (1) exposure: the media
publicises the controversy and a perception is formed; (2) internal sanction: an MP retires before an
election; (3) electoral sanction: voters punish MPs at the polls. Data on MP-specific controversies
between the 1992 and 1997 and the 2005 and 2010 elections was sourced from The Times, The
Guardian, The Daily Telegraph and their respective Sunday editions. This work also contains an
original analysis of the 2009–2010 MP expenses scandal that utilises British Election Study panel
survey data to examine how information on MP malfeasance affects voters’ perceptions of MPs. The
findings indicate that political controversy is linked to whether an MP retires...
The conventional perspective in Political Science expects a strong association between education and political behaviour favourable for democratic coexistence. This approach also infers that increases in a nation's educational attainment levels will be accompanied by sustained gains in attitudes such as political engagement and democratic support. These hypotheses have been reviewed and tested for Brazil, with analyses of surveys conducted between 1989 and 2006. The evidence confirms the conventional perspective when a single point in time is observed and dimensions of associativism are excepted. However, longitudinal analysis between the two extremities of the period revealed decreasing rewards for schooling added up by different levels of education - particularly the upper secondary - in several dimensions of participation and support for democratic principles.