Em junho de 1955, o periódico inglês The Architectural Review publicou uma edição especial chamada Outrage escrita pelo jovem crítico Ian Douglas Nairn (1930-1983) que teve um profundo impacto no debate sobre a reconstrução do pós-guerra. Essa dissertação analisa a trajetória intelectual e profissional de Ian Nairn e seu envolvimento com um modelo de intervenção ambiental e metodologia de projeto urbano articulada pela The Architectural Review a partir de 1947 e conhecida com o nome de Townscape. Ao explorar o contexto histórico e cultural na Grã-Bretanha do pós-guerra e o clima intelectual específico na Review essa pesquisa pretende avaliar a esquecida contribuição de Nairn em promover o ideário Townscape na Grã-Bretanha e no exterior. Também pretende demonstrar como esse ideário determinou sua visão e esteve presentes não apenas em seu trabalho para a Review mas também em uma diversa gama de mídia. Não só sua visão era profundamente influenciada pelo ideário Townscape mas podemos afirmar que ele acrescentou ao Townscape algo muito pessoal e essa marca foi importante para a visibilidade dos princípios Townscape e portanto para uma ampla penetração dos mesmos.; In June 1955, the English periodical The Architectural Review published a special edition called Outrage by young critic Ian Douglas Nairn (1930-1983)...

O tema desta pesquisa é uma análise mais profunda das conexões entre as estruturas econômicas da organização produtiva e suas contrapartidas no jogo político dos Estados modernos tal como se processaram no Longo Século XIX, com o objetivo de avançar na compreensão do fenômeno do imperialismo moderno. Partimos da discussão sobre os fundamentos da Hegemonia Britânica, argumentando como desde o seu início ela era baseada em sua preponderância no comércio internacional, o que atrelou seu posterior desenvolvimento econômico industrial às questões do setor de serviços, dos transportes e do poder naval. Contudo, ao dar vazão ao investimento ferroviário, a industrialização possibilitou a expansão por terra do espaço econômico a partir do qual novas indústrias poderiam surgir. Países como os Estados Unidos e a Alemanha tomariam as conexões ferroviárias como ponto de partida para articular economias nacionais em escalas maiores de produção, distribuição, capacidades organizacionais e científicas. Essa é a base econômica sobre a qual uma nova rivalidade política, fundada na simbiose entre o capital nacional e o Estado e crescentemente apoiada no nacionalismo, passaria a se expandir no final do século conforme inovações militares diminuíam as possibilidades de resistência. A concorrência entre capitais nacionais colocou em marcha um expansionismo político que dividiu o mundo em áreas de influência crescentemente hostis que...

At head of title: United States.; (Statement of Responsibility) presented by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to Parliament by command of Her Majesty, December 1954.

(Statement of Responsibility) presented by Mr. Lodge; August 12, 1911, ordered to be printed.

At head of title: United States of America.; "The Agreement entered into force on 29 September 1978."; (Statement of Responsibility) presented to Parliament by the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commowealth Affairs by command of Her Majesty, February 1979.

(Statement of Responsibility) presented to both Houses of Parliament by command of Her Majesty, October 1899.

(Language) Text in English and French.; (Statement of Responsibility) presented to Parliament by the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs by command of Her Majesty, July 1979.

(Language) Text in English and French with English translation.; (Statement of Responsibility) presented to Parliament by the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs by command of Her Majesty, November 1976.

(Language) Text in English and French.; (Statement of Responsibility) presented to Parliament by the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs by command of Her Majesty, August 1977.

(Language) Text in English and French.; (Statement of Responsibility) presented to Parliament by the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs by command of Her Majesty, November 1977.

(Language) Text in English and French.; (Statement of Responsibility) presented to Parliament by the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs by command of Her Majesty, November 1977.

(Language) Text in English and French.; (Statement of Responsibility) presented to Parliament by the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs by command of Her Majesty, January 1980.

(Language) Text in English and French.; (Statement of Responsibility) presented to Parliament by the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs by command of Her Majesty, January 1980.

(Language) Text in English and French.; (Statement of Responsibility) presented to Parliament by the Secretary of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs by command of Her Majesty, July 1980.

(System Details) Master and use copy. Digital master created according to Benchmark for Faithful Digital Reproductions of Monographs and Serials, Version 1. Digital Library Federation, December 2002.; (Dates or Sequential Designation) Vol. 1 (1812-1814)-v. 170.; (Numbering Peculiarities) Vol. 170 covers 1968.; (Issuing Body) Vol. 1 (1812/14)-v. 166 (1961/62) issued by Great Britain. Foreign Office; v. 167 (1963/64)-v. 170 issued by Great Britain. Foreign and Commonwealth Office.; Imprint varies.; "Compiled by the Librarian and keeper of the papers, Foreign Office."

Este trabalho consiste na reconstituição de três debates sobre o Imperialismo Capitalista Britânico durante o século XIX com o intuito de perceber nele manifestações das estruturas perenes do capitalismo, procurando marcar as diferenças entre estas e aquelas que se mostram(ram) conjunturais. No primeiro capítulo, procuramos, por meio da reconstituição do "debate clássico" de alguns autores marxistas do começo do século XX (Lênin, Kautsky, Hilferding e Rosa Luxemburg), demonstrar que este tipo de imperialismo é resultado das ações humanas sobre as contradições inerentes ao sistema capitalista em vias de se tornar global. Neste capítulo, procuramos também nos apropriar do potencial explicativo do conceito de "capital financeiro" de Hilferding sob as luzes da problemática da "reprodução social total" delineada por Rosa Luxemburg. A seguir, procuramos inserir as questões então colocadas na discussão do assim chamado "imperialismo do livre-comércio" - uma discussão sobretudo sobre as supostas diferenças de motivações dos homens-de-Estado britânicos na "escolha" entre "controle direto" e "controle indireto" das colônias da rainha Vitória - ao que a questão do Estado enquanto expressão da luta de classes naquele momento se mostrou crucial. No último capítulo...

In an influential 1999 article on social capital in Britain, Peter Hall cites Britain as a counter-example to Robert Putnam’s well-known analysis of declining social capital in the United States (Hall 1999). Hall claims that there has been no equivalent erosion of social participation in Britain, although there has been an apparent decline in social trust. To explain this apparent paradox, Hall then proposes that the decline in trust may be due to changing values, as well as government policies and changes in social integration. Finally he argues that the British case provides broader lessons about distributional issues and the importance of government policy in influencing levels of social capital. In this paper we draw in newly available data sets to update Hall's assessment of the levels of social capital in Britain and provide additional analysis. The data indicates that formal participation in voluntary organisations and political engagement are increasingly concentrated in the middle and upper middle classes. In addition levels of generalised social trust have levelled out and remain low. We suggest that there are influences which were not fully considered by Hall, such as the rise in income inequality during the 1980s and the changing nature of working life. We argue that the distributional issues are critical to considering the overall levels of social capital in Britain...

Steve Coulter feels nostalgic after reviewing Dominic Sandbrook’s recent political and cultural history of Britain.

One of the many miracles of Victorian Britain’s market economy was that it worked most efficiently when it was left to regulate itself – or at least, this is what the great majority of Victorians believed. The prevailing economic orthodoxy throughout the nineteenth century assumed, following Adam Smith, that the market was naturally self-governing, and that economic intervention was generally unnecessary and usually unproductive. This was a policy regime under which the Victorian economy thrived. Yet even as this orthodoxy seemed to become embedded in a public policy of free trade and minimal government in the 1840s, there emerged a recognition that in some circumstances the discipline of the market could not be relied on to produce optimal outcomes. J. S. Mill identified a number of economic 'problems' - natural monopolies, public goods, externalities - for which the unregulated market could produce sub-optimal outcomes, and this analysis provided an intellectual rationale for limited government intervention. However, belief in the autonomy of the market was such that, even as economic policy became increasingly interventionist, most refused to acknowledge that the market in Victorian Britain was a constructed, not a natural phenomenon. The idea that the market was a legal and ideological construct...

This thesis traces the British role in the evolution of international law prior to 1914, utilizing naval arms control as a case study. In the thesis, I argue that the Foreign Office adopted a pragmatic approach towards international law, emphasizing what was possible within the existing system of law rather than attempting to create radically new and powerful international institutions. The thesis challenges standard perceptions of the Hague Peace Conferences of 1899 and 1907 which interpreted these gatherings as unrealistic efforts at general disarmament through world government, positing instead that legalized arms control provided a realistic means of limiting armaments. This thesis explores how a great power employed treaties to complement maritime security strategies. A powerful world government was not advocated and was unnecessary for the management of naval arms control. While law could not guarantee state compliance, the framework of the international legal system provided a buffer, increasing predictability in interstate relations. This thesis begins with an account of how international law functioned in the nineteenth century, and how states employed international law in limiting armaments. With this framework...