O artigo analisa dimensões constitutivas da afirmação, a partir de fins dos anos de 1960, da ciência política no Brasil. Amparada pelo auxílio da Fundação Ford e impulsionada pela iniciativa de um grupo geracional, essa disciplina acadêmica tem sua legitimidade ancorada na reivindicação de uma cultura científica que, em alguns casos, lastrearia a intervenção técnica na transição democrática. Proclamando a ruptura com o padrão de trabalho vigente nas ciências sociais brasileiras, este grupo, entretanto, estabelece continuidades com a tradição nacional de pensamento político-social. A desqualificação de grupos acadêmicos rivais e a evocação do aporte simbólico de uma tradição são duas facetas de um mesmo processo de autonomização disciplinar.; The article analyzes the constitutive dimensions of the affirmation of political science in Brazil, which began in the late 60s. With the support of the Ford Foundation and driven by the initiative of a generational group, the legitimacy of this academic discipline is anchored in demands for a scientific culture that would, in some cases, buoy technical intervention during the democratic transition. Announcing their rupture from the prevailing standard of work in the Brazilian social sciences...

This essay collects and analyzes the important political science works on FDA, with an eye both to serving as a springboard for future research on FDA decision-making and to drawing conclusions from extant research.

by Maria Helena De Castro Santos.; Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1985.; MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND DEWEY.; Bibliography: leaves 671-718.

by David A. Mendeloff.; Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2001.; Includes bibliographical references (p. [405]-409).

by Jesse Lamar White, Jr.; Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1979.; MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND DEWEY.; Bibliography: leaves 625-638.

by Laurel Wynne Fuyo Kimura.; Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1981.; MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND DEWEY.; Vita.; Bibliography: leaves 277-292.

by Akihiko Tanaka.; Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1981.; MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND DEWEY.; Bibliography: leaves 361-372.

by José Manuel Perez.; Thesis (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1983.; MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND DEWEY; Bibliography: leaves 97-102.

by Antônio Octávio Cintra.; Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1983.; MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND DEWEY; Bibliography: leaves 363-380.

by William Warren Lazarus.; Thesis (Ph.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1984.; MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND DEWEY.; Bibliography: leaves 535-541.

by Michael C. Ryan.; Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1986.; MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND DEWEY.; Bibliography: leaves 387-410.

by Yale Martin Zussman.; Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1986.; MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND DEWEY.; Bibliography: leaves 306-311.

by David Bennett Friedman.; Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1986.; MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHVES AND DEWEY.; Includes bibliographies.

by John Victor Gano.; Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1987.; Bibliography: leaves 463-489.

by Harry Milton Marks.; Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1987.; Includes bibliographical references.

With the recent end of the U.S. government shutdown, political attention has moved on to the glitches encountered in the rollout of health insurance exchanges at the state and federal level, as part of the Affordable Care Act. While many commentators have damned the Department of Health and Human Services for the ‘failed’ and ‘disastrous’ launch of the exchanges, Philip Rocco argues that these difficulties must be seen in the context of the inherent complexity of the system, the high public expectations for it, and the continuing efforts by congressional Republicans, business organizations, and the Tea Party to under-fund and undermine the program.

While the current U.S, government shutdown is not the first by any means, it is by far the most politically polarized, according to Marina Azzimonti. Using an index that measures the frequency of newspaper articles that report disagreements about fiscal policy, she finds that levels of political polarization in the current shutdown are four times the average value between 1981 and 2013, and nearly twice what it was during the last shutdowns of 1995 and 1996.

The past week has seen enormous criticism leveled at the rollout of the Affordable Care Act’s online enrollment platform, HealthCare.gov. Jane E. Fountain looks at the development of HealthCare.gov, and argues that the present delays and difficulties must be seen in the wider context of an incredibly complex system across public and private sectors, involving 55 contractors, five government agencies, 300 insurers and the integration of many new and old software components. With enrollments continuing, and the Obama administration’s attention focused on the problem, current critiques should be seen as making political theatre out of bumps in the road.

What motivates U.S. federal judges and the types of decisions they make? While for a great deal of time, many judicial commentators have maintained that translating their own political values into law is the prime motivator for federal judges, Lee Epstein and Jack Knight disagree. Looking at the U.S. courts over the past 60 years, they find evidence that policy-centric accounts can no longer explain judicial behavior. They argue that judges are motivated by aspects of job satisfaction, external satisfaction, leisure, salary, and promotion – not just by ideology.

The ‘broken windows’ theory has dominated policy debates over how to deal with crime and disorder for more than three decades, but few have examined how disorder influences political engagement. Using data from Chicago, Jamila Michener finds that people’s perceptions of disorder are a powerful influence on their likelihood to engage politically, such as speaking to a politician or attending a community meeting. She argues that the way people interpret the ‘broken windows’ of their neighborhoods can be a critical determinant of how grassroots politics develop.