Michele Prospero writes that the Italian political system is increasingly vulnerable to the onslaught of a myriad of anti-political and populist candidates that are completely incapable of guaranteeing governability. The only remaining stable anchor is the Democratic Party (PD).

Opinions on the EU’s democratic performance vary widely across the 27 member states. While citizens in some states are highly critical of the EU’s institutions, others view them much more positively. Pieterjan Desmet and Claes de Vreese argue that public opinion toward the EU’s institutions can be shaped significantly by the quality of national political institutions within a member state. In those states with well regarded political institutions, the EU is likely to seem less democratic than it does to citizens living in a state with lower quality institutions.

Alongside economic issues, there is also a political dimension to the Eurozone crisis. Renaud Thillaye emphasises the importance of this political debate and highlights the key questions which must be addressed by European policymakers as part of any solution. The potential for the crisis to deepen socio-economic divergences between member states, and the future relationship between Eurozone countries and the rest of the EU-27 must be addressed. The EU must also be reconciled with democratic politics and European citizens’ often weak sense of identification, if it is to remain legitimate.

The Eurozone financial crisis has shaken the EU to its core and threatens to destroy the great achievements of European integration of past decades. Yet, European leaders are stuck; they are unable to proceed with further political or economic integration without risking the wrath of their country’s voters. Hugo Brady proposes a temporary political union for the Eurozone, beginning in 2014, to expire after 15 years. Such a ‘New Deal’ for the Euro would buy the amount of time European governments require to implement sorely needed reforms.

Despite significant progress in its path towards Europeanisation over the last two decades, Greece’s reform record remains highly problematic. Persistent reform failures and a continuum of half-way reforms have characterised much of the country’s recent history. In this paper we depart form dominant explanations in the literature that focus predominantly on the political and social context (lack of political will, fragmentation of organised interests, extent of rentseeking, etc) and instead focus on the processes shaping the content of reform proposals. We identify an inherent deficiency in the country’s reform technology, linked to a deficient engagement of policy-making with expert knowledge (encompassing all aspects of knowledge production, processing and utilisation), which results in continuous policy-learning failures and, ultimately, inefficient reforms. Our analysis calls for a re-direction of emphasis from the study of how actors contest reforms to the pathologies that lead to the production of contestable reform proposals.

Recent research has demonstrated a negative link between macroeconomic and political uncertainty and levels of private investment across countries. This raises the question whether certain types of government institutions might help reduce this uncertainty. North and Weingast (1989) propose that political institutions characterized by checks and balances can have beneficial effects on investment by allowing governments to credibly commit not to engage in ex post opportunism with respect to investors. In this paper I develop and test a modified version of their hypothesis, suggesting that checks and balances, on average, improve possibilities for commitment, but that they are not a necessary condition for doing so. Results of heteroskedastic regression and quantile regression estimates strongly support this proposition.

This paper examines the decline of party politics in Latin America during the past two decades and the corresponding rise in what can be termed "anti-politics". It looks at populist leaders who appeal directly to the people and challenge existing political classes and parties. The author considers in particular the case of Venezuela, since the landslide victory of Hugo Chavez Frias in the 1998 presidential elections. The paper concludes that the return of party politics in Venezuela seems remote at present. Without an increase in the size and productivity of the formal economy, the author believes it is unlikely that the material base of meaningful party politics will re-emerge in the foreseeable future.

Adherents of tradition argue that customary institutions in Africa and the traditional leaders that uphold them have a stabilizing influence, particularly given the inadequacies of many post-colonial African states. It is suggested that this remains the case for South Africa as well and that chieftaincy, though tainted by its association with segregation and apartheid, has nevertheless provided continuity of governance, particularly in rural areas where there were scant alternative structures. Opponents see the return to tradition as a regressive step that undermines progress towards democratic consolidation in Africa generally and in South Africa more particularly. In many respects these concerns are not new and reflect careful historical debate in South Africa that remains relevant in informing and understanding the contemporary period. With this in mind this paper explores the institution of ubukhosi, or chieftainship, in KwaZulu-Natal (KZN), where resurgent tradition is particularly vociferous, but also part of a longer history exhibiting both continuities and discontinuities. Against this background it considers whether the recognition of traditional authorities and the powers and functions accorded to them in South Africa, and more particularly KZN...

This paper attempts to explain why the Zambian state has remained resilient over the period 1960-2010 despite confronting a substantial set of crises and unfavourable 'initial conditions', which include: one of the worst declines in per capita income in sub-Saharan Africa since 1970, a heavy debt burden, dramatic price and production declines in its main export (copper), one of the continent's most unequal distributions of income, one of the worst HIV/AIDS epidemics in the world, declines in its Human Development Index in every decade since 1980, relatively high levels of poverty, substantial influxes of refugees (particularly in the 1990s) that reached as high as 200,000, high transport costs as a result of being a landlocked economy, and being surrounded by five countries that have experienced civil wars and political disorder.

This paper explores the notion of an 'inclusive political pact', as developed by Prof James Putzel, Director of the Crisis States research programme, taking the city of Ahmedabad in Gujarat as its case study. It looks at the ghettoisation of the Muslim population into resettlement communities following the communal violence of 2002 and examines how this spatial marginalisation has disempowered a whole section of society and rendered them politically irrelevant. The paper argues that the set of circumstances in Ahmedabad that has completely excluded the Muslim section of society from full citizenship and basic civic rights, demonstrates the ramifications of excluding certain groups from a fully inclusive political pact. The author has also explored the role of civil society during the communal violence in her Working Paper 64.2 : 'Civil Society in Conflict Cities: the case of Ahmedabad'

Politics in the Middle East is now seen and the image is playing a central part in processes of political struggle. This book aims to engage directly with these changing ways of communicating politics in the region. Lina Khatib presents a cross-country examination of emerging trends in the use of visuals in political struggles in the Middle East, from the Cedar Revolution in Lebanon to the Green Movement in Iran, to the Arab Spring in Egypt, Syria and Libya. Olivia Mason finds it a thought-provoking read utilizing sources from numerous academic disciplines.

Understanding Policy Change aims to provide readers with the full range of political economy tools and concepts necessary to understand, analyse and integrate how political and social factors may influence the success or failure of policy goals. Case studies and practical exercises for students and practioners are of great value, finds Emily St.Denny.

Moldova is scheduled to sign an Association Agreement with the EU later this month, with Parliamentary elections also due to be held in November. Ellie Knott and David Rinnert write on the impact the Ukraine crisis has had on domestic politics and Moldova’s delicate balance between the EU and Russia. They argue that the crisis has complicated the country’s political situation, with ethnic groups divided over relations with the EU and Russia’s annexation of Crimea. This could have an impact not only in terms of foreign policy, but also on the support for political parties in November.

In the past two decades many American cities have experienced an influx of middle- and upper-income residents into areas that had been primarily African-American neighborhoods. While this surge of wealth and redevelopment holds promise to benefit the poor, the reality is that low income residents in these areas are losing their political power as well as feeling increasingly feeling alienated from their own communities. Using Washington, DC as a case study Derek Hyra writes that the political displacement being experienced by African-American communities is accompanied by cultural displacement as historic music venues close while bike share stations open. He argues that urban planners must find ways to socially integrate diverse populations in communities so that all residents feel connected to the spaces in which they live.

"Essays on Classical and Marxian Political Economy: Collected Essays IV." Samuel Hollander. Routledge. January 2013. --- Samuel Hollander’s work on the history of economic thought has been provoking debate for over four decades. This book brings together key contributions of recent years, in addition to some brand new pieces, including an extensive chapter on Adam Smith’s often neglected arguments for government intervention in the economy to correct market failures, and his critical view of the business class as an anti-social force. If you are interested in political economy and have some grounding in the subject matter then Hollander’s essays make for engaging, essential reading, concludes Nick Taylor.

"Women, Sexuality, and the Political Power of Pleasure. "Susie Jolly, Andrea Cornwall and Kate Hawkins (eds.). Zed Books. June 2013. --- This collection explores the ways in which positive, pleasure-focused approaches to sexuality can empower women, with examples of activism, advocacy and programming which use pleasure as a starting point. Covering topics such as gender and development, disability and sex, and human rights and relationships, Women, Sexuality, and the Political Power of Pleasure is a fresh and fascinating engagement with sex, sexuality, and politics, writes Megan O’Branski.

As democracy encounters increasing difficulties, many citizens are turning to the domain of alternative politics, and in so doing, making considerable use of the Web and other new communication technologies. We’re seeing new modes of political participation and even political cultures are emerging, but it would be foolish to expect some simple ‘techno-fix’ for democracy argues Peter Dahlgren. This is a great and important book about changing media, writes Nick Anstead, and Dahlgren avoids offering us another one-sided new media polemic.

What do fictional portrayals of political issues say about the views within a society? Steven Fielding notes that while political fiction is an important part of British culture, portrayals of Europe and the issue of European integration are rare. Where the European issue is mentioned, it tends to be connected to corruption, or dystopian visions of the future in which a United States of Europe has superseded nation states. He argues that the fictional portrayal of Europe illustrates the depth of mistrust the EU generates in British citizens.

Politics and the Emotions is a unique collection of essays that reflects the affective turn in the analysis of today’s political world. With contributions from scholars across Europe, US, and Australia, the book aims to advance the debate on the relationship between politics and the emotions. Considering themes such as antagonism and deliberation, the politics of fear, the affective dimension of political mobilization, each chapter includes a case study to demonstrate the application of concepts to practical issues. Birgit Schippers approves of the approaches and range of topics offered in this collection.

John van Reenen, Nicholas Bloom, Scott Baker and Steven Davis argue that one of the factors behind the sluggish economic recovery in the US is increased policy uncertainty. In their view, the two parties and the polarisation of politics are responsible for the high uncertainty. Regardless of who wins the presidency, the two houses of Congress are likely to remain divided by party, thus increasing political polarisation. This analysis provides a clear warning for the UK regarding the negative economic effects of policy uncertainty and the dangers of political polarisation.